Nine Gal Tavern
Lenville J. Stelle
Parkland College
Champaign, Illinois
©1990 by the Center For Social Research, Parkland College
Note: Parts of this report were presented as a paper at the 1990 Society for Historical Archaeology Conference on Historical and Underwater Archaeology.
Significance of the Site and Research Objectives
The first half of the nineteenth century saw the westward expansion of
frontier America into east central Illinois and the upper Sangamon River basin.
By the 1830s, where trails and roads intersected the river, pioneer communities
began to develop. One of the most common economic expressions in these
emerging communities was the tavern. Middletown, located in western Champaign
County, was no exception. The first thing that Daniel Porter did after
platting the village at the Sangamon ford of the Fort Clark Trail was build a
tavern and general store. During the next 30 years at least four more taverns
would do business in this community: the Mathew Johnson Tavern, the Rea Tavern
or American House, the Nine Gal Tavern, and the Ohio Tavern. The most
historically conspicuous of the taverns has been the Nine Gal. It has become
the object of an annual historical reenactment, or passion play, by the local
Methodist Church. In spite of this interest, local history is surprisingly
unclear as to the Nine Gal Tavern's location.
The primary objectives of the present research are therefore exploratory and
descriptive: (1) to locate the site of the Nine Gal Tavern; and (2) to recover
artifactual material indicative of its function as a tavern. The data bearing
on these objectives has significance well beyond the vagaries of local history.
The cultural expression of the tavern was an important commercial activity of
the pioneer period. The regional form of the tavern is poorly documented in
the archeological literature. Achieving these objectives would afford
information on this significant historical phenomenon.
Archival Discussion
In the thirty years followings its inception in 1832, Champaign County
would develop into a civilized, well populated area complete with towns,
schools, churches, roads, and a railroad line. During this period of intense
expansion and development, inns or taverns were established along most major
roads. The main function of these taverns was to provide food and lodging for
man and beast, although beverage alcohol was commonly dispensed. The emergence
of the tavern as a differentiated commercial activity reflected the increasing
socio-economic complexity of a community.
The signing of the Black Hawk Treaty in 1832 helped trigger immigration to
most areas of Central Illinois (Pease 1925:118). The following year, as the
last of the Native American societies were relocated beyond the Mississippi
River, pioneers were already slowly moving into what had just become Champaign
County (Pease 1925:119). Settlements began to appear along the fringes of the
corridor forests that were expressed parallel to the banks of the prairie
rivers (Cunningham 1905:645). It was there that a plentiful supply of wood,
water, and game could be found. The main route transecting Champaign County
east to west was the Fort Clark Trail. It connected Danville and Peoria (Fort
Clark). Some of the first villages in the county were formed along this trail.
They included, from east to west, Homer, Sidney, Urbana, and Middletown (Morgan
1969:18). Middletown was later renamed Mahomet. It was in Middletown
Township, in the year 1833, that the history of the Nine Gal Tavern began.
In that year John Bryan (also spelled Bryant and Briant in the historical
literature) married Malinda Busey (25 July 1833) in the first solemnized
marriage performed with a Champaign County license (Cunningham 1905:684). Both
were from Shelby County, Kentucky. On 10 August 1833, Bryan entered a 40 acre
tract of land in Section 14 of Middletown Township immediately adjacent to
property patented in 1832 by his father-in-law, Issac Busey (Cunningham
1905:684 and State of Illinois 1982:51). The Bryans were the third family to
settle in the township.
On May 5, 1834, John Bryan purchased from Champaign County, the west 1/2
of the southeast 1/4 of Section 14, Township 20 North, Range 7 East (State of
Illinois 1982:274). This property was located on the south side of the Fort
Clark Trail, approximately one and a quarter miles east of the Sangamon ford.
In the following year, 1835, Scott Fielding, another early pioneer, plowed a
furrow from the river crossing to Urbana thereby improving and shortening the
transportation link (Fort Clark Trail) between the county seat and the area
referred to as the Sangamon Timber Settlement. Early in 1836, the Urbana to
Bloomington State Road was completed along this furrow (Champaign County
Commissioners' Record Book A). Later in that year the
Champaign County Commissioners ordered a county road to be opened from the
State road "...near the house of John Bryan" to the Decatur Road. This became
a major traffic corridor from Urbana to Decatur since the prairie sloughs of
the Cerro Gordo Till Plain were frequently impassible. The proximity of the
homestead to these roads and the river was of central to its function as a
tavern.
At this location, later commonly referred to as the Timber Edge Farm, John
Bryan lived with his family (six children were listed in the 1850 census) and
in the ensuing years prospered as a farmer (Roehm 1986:16). The Agricultural
Schedule for the 1850 census indicates that he was a wealthy farmer with 400
acres of improved and 600 of unimproved land and 90 head of mixed livestock.
Production for the year ending 1 June 1850 included 400 bushels of Indian corn,
75 pounds of wool, 14 bushels of Irish potatoes, $100 worth of orchard produce,
300 pounds of butter, and 12 tons of hay. As the fourth wealthiest farmer in
both the county and township, his real property was assessed at $10,000 (Roehm
1986:16).
Maps, land records, and numerous references indicate that it was Bryan's
home that subsequently became the Nine Gal Tavern. The house was a curious
structure for the times. Bryan's affluence made possible the sawed lumber
(reportedly freighted from Covington, Indiana) of which the structure was
fabricated (Abbott 1985:32). The house was a fairly large structure (Abbott
1985:32). The composite of all descriptions and pictures depicts a rambling
two-story building, some 40 feet long. Spanning the entire front was a covered
porch supported by plain columns. A black-and-white photograph reproduced in
Morgan (1969:19) and a sketch signed "Hazen" reveal a New England salt-box
type structure (Morgan, in personal communication, indicated that the
photograph was supplied to him by unremembered parties and, as a consequence,
he could not attest to its veracity; the "Hazen" sketch was apparently produced
sometime in this century and is based upon unknown sources, Purnell [1955:79]
attributes it to Fred Hazen). In both illustrations the gables were dominated
by large, single flue, masonry chimneys. The main entrance was located in the
center of the building's front. Each document shows windows on both stories of
the front side, although the number and placement differ. A description of the
building appearing in the Mahomet newspaper (Abbott 1985:181) indicates that
"...a number of small rooms, each with a small window were on the second
floor." The exterior of the structure was sheathed with horizontal, lapped
siding. The rear of the building was not revealed and one cannot determine if
there was a summer kitchen. The documents and descriptions provide no
information on out-buildings.
It is not known how long John Bryan and his family resided on this farm.
In 1848 Bryan purchased a forty acre parcel of land from the government in
Section 23, the next section south (State of Illinois 1982:51) and the 1850
census continued to place the family at this location. The 1860 census reveals
that the family had relocated to the town of Champaign with John's occupation
listed as livery keeper.
We do not know if the Bryan's kept tavern during their tenure on the
homestead. The Champaign County Commissioners had begun regulating and
licensing taverns in 1836 and Daniel Porter was issued a license for a store
and tavern in Middletown village in the same year. Significantly, the County
Commissioners Record through 1850 gives no indication of a tavern license
having ever been issued to John Bryan. However, an 1878 county history (Brink,
McDonough and Co. 1878:125) asserts that John "Bryant" kept "...the first
tavern." in Middletown Township. If we are to believe the Brink, McDonough and
Company account, then Bryan would have begun keeping tavern prior to 1836. It
is not clear why the fourth wealthiest farmer in the county would have opened
his house to this business. Assuming that Bryan did keep tavern, it was most
likely conducted in a casual fashion, incidental to his farming activities, and
with rewards more social than financial. The location at the intersection of
the Urbana-to-Bloomington and Urbana-to-Decatur trails, as well as the
proximity of the Sangamon ford would have made the Bryan farm a natural
stopping point. During wet weather, when the river was high and the prairies
were full, the concentration of travelers would have been even greater.
Sometime after 1850 the Bryan family left the homestead. In 1853 the building
was leased to Thomas A. Davidson and family, new arrivals from Ohio (Mathews
and McLean 1979:34). The Davidsons transformed the dwelling into the "Ohio
Tavern" (Abbott 1985:32). The site now functioned as a commercial tavern. The
name Ohio Tavern likely derived from the measurable presence of local settlers
from Ohio, as well as from the nativity of the family. Davidson operated the
tavern from 1853 through 1856 (Mathews and McLean 1979:34) and it was during
this period that Abraham Lincoln was alleged to have stayed there while
traveling the Eighth Judicial Circuit (Abbott 1985:32). Folk history suggests
that Lincoln would stop at the tavern as he traveled from Decatur to Urbana and
that he enjoyed bouncing little Jimmy Davidson on his knee. The tavern
business may have been quite lucrative. After purchasing several hundred acres
of land, the Davidsons moved off the property in 1856 and began farming
(Champaign County Gazette 1880). The 1860 census
indicates a real property assessment of $12,000 and personal property of
$1,490. He and his wife, Elizabeth, had seven children and one farm laborer
living in the household at that time.
With the departure of the Davidsons the documentary evidence grows thin.
There is no primary evidence of subsequent tavern proprietors. What is known
is that the property remained in the Bryan family until 1864, a year after
John's death (6 July 1863), at which time it was sold by Malinda to the wealthy
neighbor, B. F. Harris (Champaign County 1979). Harris was the wealthiest man
in the county and resided in a "mansion" several miles to the southwest. He
presumably used the Bryan building to house a series of his tenant families.
However, insofar as the structure was referred to as the "Nine Gal Tavern" by
twentieth century historians, there may have been at least one other tavern
keeper on the property after the Davidsons. Popular history has it that the
tavern was so named to honor the later tenant's nine red-headed daughters
(Morgan 1969:19 and Abbott 1985:32). If this is true then the occupation would
likely have occurred between 1856 and 1859.
The 1850 census records six men in the county indicating innkeeper as
their occupation (Roehms 1986:11). Two of them were from Middletown Township.
One of these was Mathew Johnson, associated with the tavern of the same name,
and the other was LeG. D. Robertson. Robertson was from Kentucky, married, and
had two young sons. His worth is listed as $60. The place of Mr. Robertson's
business remains unclear, although our best guess was that he managed or worked
in the establishment originated by Daniel Porter. While Mathew Johnson's
occupation is listed as "farmer/innkeeper", John Bryan's is recorded as simply
"farmer." In the 1860 census the occupation of Mathew Johnson is recorded as
miller and Robertson is gone. In this census no one from the township reported
their occupation as that of innkeeper.
Arguing from the 1860 census data, the site had by 1860 returned to its
previous function as the residence of a single farm family. However, the
social difference between the Bryan occupation and the post-1860 occupation was
that between an owner and a tenant (The Breeder's Gazette
1911). While the specific identities of these latter families remain unknown,
they were only middle class farm managers. The Bryan construction survived
until 1891 when it was razed and replaced by the present building (Isabelle
Purnell, personal communication).
The present structure was completed in 1892 by the Harris family and was a
substantial structure in its own right. It was obviously intended for an
important family in their system of agri-business. By 1905 the farm was in the
possession of a grandchild, also named B. F. Harris. The farm now consisted
of 320 acres. This Harris's approach was that of the aggressive businessman
operating a highly specialized production unit. A detailed description of
agricultural strategy and production, as well as a photo of the
"superintendent's residence" appears in a May 1911 lead article of The
Breeder's Gazette. A net profit of $6,500.70 for 1910 derived
from the sale of 50 steers, 294 sheep, and 410 hogs, as well as 1,404 bushels
of oats and 3,500 bushels of corn. The article describes the administration of
the farm in the following way:
Although he keeps in close personal touch with the affairs of the farm by
telephone and visit, Mr. Harris employs a superintendent, who is paid to board
and is in charge of the laborers required. |
With a total farm labor cost of $1,860.92 for 1910, the superintendent's salary
must have been quite modest. The families of superintendents and farm managers
continued to occupy the building through the 1960s.
To summarize the historical chronology of the site, the land was purchased
from the government in 1834. In that same year a large frame home was
constructed. The wealth that it symbolized and its proximity to the Sangamon
ford and a major road intersection made it a natural stopping point for
travelers. It is likely that the Bryan family provided assistance to travelers
but never became formally involved with the business of tavern keeping. This
condition changed by 1853 when the Davidsons opened the Ohio Tavern. There was
probably at least one other tavern keeper (Nine Gal Tavern) after the
Davidsons. However, by 1860 the property had reverted back to its original
function as a single family residence associated with the farm. In spite of a
change in ownership in 1864, this condition obtained until 1891 when the house
was demolished and replaced by the existing structure. After 1891 the new
residence was reserved for a series of farm superintendents and managers.
Site Description
As previously indicated, the location of the Nine Gal Tavern is an issue
of some debate. Locations offered by local historians number four: (1) just
east of the Sangamon ford and north of Bloomington Road; (2) east of the river
but on the south side of Bloomington Road; (3) one-half kilometer further east
on Bloomington Road also on the south side; and (4) the location on the Timber
Edge Farm, approximately 1.1 km east of the ford. Our research centers on this
last locale because our reading of the period literature and the government
land sales records to John Bryan suggest it to be the most likely site.
The buildings of the farmstead (Figure 1) are situated upon a small loess
covered knoll lying down slope of the crest of the Champaign Moraine. The
Champaign Moraine is a late Wisconsinin event dating from perhaps 16,000 BP.
While the knoll may only be an erosional expression, its origin may have been
as a small ice contact feature. The Sangamon River breaches the Moraine some
1.1 kilometers to the west northwest. This is an area of relatively bold
topographic relief. (For a detailed analysis and reconstruction of the natural
environment as it existed in Middletown Township in 1820 see Cultural
Resources Survey: An Environmental Summary
Of The Lake Of The Woods [Stelle
1986]).

|
Figure 1. The Nine Gal Tavern Site. |
Research Design and Data Collection
As was previously indicated, the objectives of the present study are
exploratory and descriptive. In its higher registers it falls within that
range of investigation labeled culture-historical. While our interests are
driven by a model of community development and processual concerns, the dearth
of regional archeological data on this time period, specifically economic
expressions and their attendant material assemblages, makes it difficult to
test meaningful hypotheses. The research questions addressed by the present
study are:
- Q1: Was there a residential structure at this location after 1834?
- Q2: What was the chronology of occupation?
- Q3: What was the site function and did it vary over time?
- Q4: Is there evidence of different tavern forms?
The data collection strategy consequently focused on activities that would
afford systematic site testing and description. Specifically, it involved six
elements.
1. An examination of the interior of the existing house and out-buildings. Of
particular interest were exposed structural elements. The goal was to identify
materials salvaged from the Bryan constructions.
2. Surface collection of large tracts of the farm. Eighty acres stood as
relict timber. All of this tract, as well as some cultivated ground was
undergoing development as an upper class subdivision by the fall of 1986. The
main drainage ways were being reorganized for the construction of two flood
control impoundments. Exploiting these disturbances, every exposed patch of
earth was examined. Consequently, much of the land surface that had supported
forest and savanna was accessed. From the beginning of the survey, the ground
that had supported prairie revealed extremely low densities of human detritus;
consequently, it received less attention.
3. A systematic shovel probe survey of the house site was conducted. The
survey was accomplished using a grid based upon 2 m centers. At each grid
intersect a shovel probe 30 cm in diameter was excavated to culturally sterile
soil. The grid was anchored at site datum. The shovel probe grid extended
beyond the limits of the primary residential scatter.
4. The north-south and east-west lines of the grid were swept with a metal
detector. Where readings indicative of a metallic object were encountered, a
shovel probe was excavated.
5. To acquire information about what might lie beneath the existing structure,
two 1 m by 2 m test units were excavated. The units were positioned parallel
to the foundation walls and on either side of the front door. The units were
dug to sterile soil.
6. Where subsurface features were encountered test trenches were excavated to
sterile soil. They were 30 cm wide and extended beyond the limits of the
feature.
The collection of data occurred over a five week period. The work was
conducted by various groups of college and seventh grade students enrolled in
Parkland College field schools. The seventh graders were only involved with
the surface collecting and the shovel probe survey.
Findings
1. Excavations and feature descriptions:
Seven test units were excavated. They included two one meter by one meter
units around the in situ foundation stones, two one meter by two
meter units directly in front of the existing structure, and three thirty
centimeter wide trenches across subsurface features. Two additional subsurface
deposits were only explored by shovel probes.
Test Unit #1 was located west of the front door of the
Harris structure and parallel to the foundation wall (unit datum S0.43,W2).
The unit contained a large, partially exposed glacial erratic (Figure 2) that
may have been part of the foundation system of the original Bryan construction.
If so, it would seem to have been removed to its present location during or
subsequent to the erection of the existing house (a region of disturbance
extended completely under the boulder). Earthenwares included redware, hand
painted pearlware, undecorated whiteware, black transfer printed whiteware, and
nine sherds of indeterminant whiteware. The mean ceramic date for the
pearlware and whiteware was 1854. Other artifactual material included:
porcelain (1), bottle glass (4), flat glass, pressed glass (1), milk glass (1),
metal objects (25), both early and late brick, brushes (2), a shell button, and
a bone button.
Test Unit #2 (Figure 3) was located just east of the
front entrance to the Harris building and parallel to the foundation wall (unit
datum S0.67,E6). Artifactual material included: salt-glazed stoneware (2),
bottle glass (26 sherds including an element of a scroll flask), flat glass,
pressed glass (3 including a paneled tumbler), a glass button and bead, metal
(32), both early and late brick, and a piece of plastic. The earthenware
recovery was composed of redware, yellowware, undecorated pearlware,
undecorated whiteware, hand painted polychrome whiteware, spongeware, flow
blue, and indeterminant whiteware. The mean ceramic date for the pearlware and
whiteware was 1845.

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Figure 2. Test Unit #1 of the Nine Gal Tavern Site. |

|
Figure 3. Test Unit #2 of the Nine Gal Tavern Site. |
Test Unit #3 centered on the first of the foundation
stones found in primary context. This stone served as site datum. It was
located directly out from the front door to the existing house. The field
stone was hidden beneath a thin vegetational mat (Figure 4). Artifactual
material included bottle glass (8 fragments one of which was from an historic
flask), flat glass, metal (13 items), structural materials (both early and late
brick), shell buttons (2), and a piece of plastic bottle. Earthenwares were
represented by undecorated whiteware, spatter, green transfer printed
whiteware, and mid-blue transfer printed whiteware. The mean ceramic date for
the whiteware was 1855.
Test Unit #4 centered on the second foundation stone
still in primary context (Figure 5). It was located at N1.7,E2.2. Recovered
from this unit were a sherd of flat glass, modern machine cut nails (16), wire
nails (2), strap metal (2), early brick, mortar, a Rockingham door knob, a
short length of iron wire, and a green glass marble.
Feature #1 (Figure 6) was located at S0.34,W4.25. A 30 cm trench
was extended north across the area of subsurface disturbance. The feature,
along this axis, was 192 cm wide and extended down to a maximum of 80 cm. The
artifactual material recovered (N=196) included fragments of clay smoking
pipes, bottle glass (six items, three of which were from historic flasks), flat
glass, pressed glass tumblers (23), pressed glass, milk glass, metal (notable
among these 64 items were barrel/cask hoops, metal buttons, harness buckles, a
wrought iron hook, a clasp knife, a hand wrought nail, machine cut nails, and a
.32 cal. rim fire casing), and both early (6) and late brick (2). Earthenwares
were represented by redware, Rockingham yellowware, undecorated pearlware (1),
undecorated whiteware (3), hand painted polychrome whiteware (6), spatter (2),
blue transfer printed whiteware (9), purple transfer printed whiteware (8),
green transfer printed whiteware (1), red transfer printed whiteware (6), edge
decorated whiteware with a scalloped rim and impressed bud (1), and
indeterminant whiteware (31). The mean ceramic date for the pearlware and
whiteware was 1851. Excluding the indeterminant whiteware from the calculation
yields a corrected value of 1843. Feature #1 is interpreted as an ash pit
associated with the fireplace on the west side of the Bryan house. The
deposition is assigned to the Bryan occupation (1833-1853).
Feature #2 was located at N9.8,E6.5. A 30 cm wide trench was
extended north 50 cm to a point beyond the margin of the subsurface
disturbance. The south margin of the feature was not identified. The exposed
portion of the feature had a maximum depth of 59 cm. The undisturbed horizon
was found from 29 to 59 cm below surface. The matrix of this deposit was
almost pure ash with small quantities of charcoal. The artifactual recovery
(N=50) included hand painted monochrome porcelain (3), hand painted polychrome

|
Figure 4. Test Unit #3 of the Nine Gal Tavern Site. |

|
Figure 5. Test Unit #4 of the Nine Gal Tavern Site. |
Figure 6. Feature #1 of the Nine Gal Tavern Site.
porcelain (1), bottle glass (1), flat glass (2), cut glass (1), pressed glass
(2 objects, one of which was a fragment of a paneled tumbler), metal (12 items,
notable of which were a hand wrought sprig, machine cut nails, a small spring,
and part of a small pair of scissors), and early brick (2). Earthenwares were
represented by redware (5), undecorated whiteware (6), hand painted polychrome
whiteware (4), brown transfer printed whiteware (2), red transfer printed
whiteware (6), and edge decorated whiteware (one item with a scalloped rim and
impressed curved lines and one item with a scalloped rim and impressed bud
designs). The mean ceramic date was 1844. The feature is interpreted as an
ash pit associated with the fireplace on the east side of the Bryan structure.
The deposition is from the Bryan occupation (1833-1853).
Feature #3 was initially located by a shovel probe at N9,E3.3.
A 30 cm wide trench was extended north-south past the feature boundaries
(Figure 7). The area of disturbance had a maximum depth of 64 cm below
surface. Artifacts recovered (N=169) included Albany slip stoneware (2),
luster porcelain (2), bottle glass (4 items, including two of an embossed
peppermint bottle with a rough pontil scar), flat glass (16 objects, of which
eight were of a mirror), pressed glass (7 sherds, with six from tumblers),
metal (36 items, notable of which were a hand wrought nail, machine cut nails,
a hollow iron key, a case knife, a bone handled clasp knife, and a hand wrought
chain link), and structural materials (11 objects, including five early brick
and two late brick). The earthenwares were represented by redware (3),
undecorated pearlware (2), edge decorated pearlware with embossed patterns (2),
undecorated whiteware (14), annular whiteware (3), hand painted blue whiteware
(1), hand painted polychrome whiteware (3), blue transfer printed whiteware
(1), black transfer printed whiteware (3), brown transfer printed whiteware
(4), green transfer printed whiteware (9), red transfer printed whiteware (39),
polychrome transfer printed whiteware (5), and edge decorated whiteware with a
scalloped rim and impressed curved lines (4). The mean ceramic date was 1842.
Feature #3 is best interpreted as an ash pit; although, the thick lens of
in situ fired clay remains anomalous. The deposition is
associated with the Bryan occupation (1833-1853).
Feature #4 was only investigated by three shovel probes. It was
located at S12,E18 and displayed a significant concentration of artifactual
material. The depth of the deposit was 40 cm below surface. The recovery
included redware, stoneware, bottle glass, flat glass, pressed glass, metal,
both early and late brick, and the heel of a ladies leather shoe. All of the
remaining ceramic was whiteware (N=68): undecorated (38%), annular (3%), blue
hand painted (3%), spatter (1.5%), blue transfer printed (6%), purple transfer
printed (1.5%), green transfer printed (3%), red transfer printed (1.5%),
mid-blue transfer printed (1.5%), flow blue (1.5%), and indeterminant (40%).
The mean ceramic date was 1857. If the indeterminant whiteware is removed from
this calculation, the mean

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Figure 7. Feature #3 of the Nine Gal Tavern Site.
|
ceramic date is 1855. The bottle glass was represented by 37 items. Most of
this was indeterminant except for color; although, there were two rough pontil
bases. The pressed glass included five sherds, three of which were from
paneled tumblers. The feature is interpreted as a trash pile associated with
the Davidson occupation (1853-1856) and the operation of the Ohio Tavern.
Feature #5 was also only explored by three shovel probes. It
was identified at S22,E12 and like Feature #4 displayed a significant
concentration of artifactual material. The maximum depth was 35 cm below
surface. The inventory included salt glazed stoneware, plain white porcelain,
bottle glass, flat glass, machine cut nails, parts of two barrel hoops, and
both early and late brick. All of the remaining ceramic was whiteware (N=174):
undecorated (94%), spatter (1%), plain embossed (1%), and indeterminant (4%).
The mean ceramic date for this assemblage was 1860 (this value holds even if
the indeterminant category is deleted). The bottle glass included 32 sherds of
which 30 were of whiskey bottles. No pressed tumblers were recovered. Feature
#5 is interpreted as a trash pile associated with the unknown proprietor of the
Nine Gal Tavern (1857-1859).
2. Artifacts
Operational definitions of the various artifacts and their associated
technologies can be found in An Archeological Guide
to the Historic Artifacts of the
Upper Sangamon Basin (Stelle 1989). The present
discussion provides a summary description of materials relevant to an
interpretation of the site.
A. Earthen Wares
Earthenware was one of the most commonly recovered debris categories for this
site (N=809). Four types were recognized: redware, yellowware, pearlware, and
whiteware.
Redware
Redware was a common recovery item (N=55), representing 6.8 percent of the
earthenwares. Table 1 indicates the distribution of redware by surface
treatment. The most common surface treatment was a lead glaze, of which 20%
was glazed only on the interior and 80% on both surfaces. The salt glazed
vessel had an unglazed interior. The two vessels with an Albany slip were so
treated on both surfaces. The base of a large mixing bowl had a white slip
interior and a clear glaze exterior. Much of the redware was recovered from
Features #1 (N=10) and #4 (N=13). Redware was produced in the United States
throughout the nineteenth century although its recovery may be more common on
sites predating the Civil War.
Table 1. Redware Recovered From the Nine Gal Tavern Site. |
Surface Treatment
|
Frequency
|
Percent
|
Unglazed
|
3
|
5.5
|
Lead Glaze
|
15
|
27.3
|
Salt Glaze
|
1
|
1.8
|
Albany slip
|
2
|
3.6
|
White slip interior clear glaze exterior
|
1
|
1.8
|
Indeterminant
|
33
|
60
|
TOTAL
|
55
|
100
|
Yellowware
Three forms of surface decoration were identified: clear glaze, Rockingham, and
mocha. There was no annular decorated yellowware other than the sherd of
mocha. The mocha body sherd was the familiar dark brown. The Rockingham
included a body sherd and a molded basal element. Table 2 provides the
frequency of each form. Representing only 2.3 percent of the earthenwares,
yellowware is an uncommon ceramic from this site. Because of its long period
of production, yellowware is not a particularly sensitive temporal indicator,
but could have been present from the beginning of the site's occupation.
Pearlware
Pearlware is the earliest table ware horizon for the site. Twenty four sherds,
representing 3 percent of the earthenware, were recovered (see Tables 3 and 4).
Objects with no obvious surface decoration were classified as undecorated. It
is the most common recovery category and included elements of three cups.
Table 4 presents the data on shell edge decorated ware. The pearlware
component included five rim elements: two with scalloped rims and impressed
curved lines and three with embossed patterns.
Table 2. Yellowware Recovered From The Nine Gal Tavern Site.
|
Type
|
Frequency(%)
|
Production Range
|
Clear glaze
|
13(68.4)
|
1830 to present
|
Rockingham
|
2(10.5)
|
1840 to 1900
|
Mocha
|
1(5.3)
|
1840-1900
|
Indeterminant
|
3(15.8)
|
|
TOTAL
|
19(100.0)
|
|
Table 3. Pearlwares Recovered From The Nine Gal Tavern Site (see Table 4 for
shell edge treatments).
|
Type
|
Frequency(%)
|
Median Production Date
|
Undecorated
|
17 (89.5)
|
1805 |
Blue hand painted
|
1 (5.3)
|
1800 |
Polychrome hand painted
|
1 (5.3)
|
1800 |
TOTAL |
19 (100) |
|
Whiteware:
Whiteware is by far the most frequently recovered ceramic from the site
(N=711) and represents 87.9 percent of the earthenwares (Tables 4 and 5). This
category also includes the several variations collectively referred to as
ironstone.
The stylistic elements of the annular decoration included bands of blue,
white, brown, and green, as well as a roulette pattern. The spongeware is
virtually all blue. Hand painted polychromes are of the sprig variety.
The transfer printed wares (N=181) defined 26% of the total whiteware sample.
Blue, red, and flow blue were the most common treatments (Table 5).
Table 4. Edge Decorated Wares From The Nine Gal Tavern Site.
|
Type
|
Frequency(%)
|
Median Production Date
|
Pearlware (N=5) Scalloped rim
|
|
|
Impressed curved lines
|
2 (13.3)
|
1817
|
Embossed patterns
|
3 (20.0)
|
1829
|
Whiteware (N=10) Scalloped rim
|
|
|
Impressed curved lines
|
5 (33.3)
|
1817
|
Impressed straight lines
|
2 (13.3)
|
1820
|
Impressed bud
|
1 (6.7)
|
1823
|
Unscalloped rim Unmolded
|
2 (13.3)
|
1879
|
TOTAL |
15 (99.9) |
|
The shell edge treatments (Table 4), both pearlware and whiteware, produced a
mean ceramic date value of 1828. The remaining pearlware and whiteware had a
mean ceramic date of 1853.
The marker's marks found include: "Venables", "La Belle China", "W..."[W.
Adams or Woods?] , and "Pasto[ral?]...".
Table 5. Whitewares Recovered From The Nine Gal Tavern Site.
|
Type
|
Frequency(%)
|
Median Production Date
|
Undecorated, Plain
|
270 (38.5)
|
1860
|
Annular
|
10 (1.4)
|
1850
|
Blue hand painted
|
13 (1.9)
|
1850
|
Polychrome, hand painted
|
26 (3.7)
|
1840
|
Sponge/spatter ware
|
16 (2.3)
|
1850
|
Transfer printed:
|
|
|
Blue
|
29 (4.1)
|
1845
|
Black
|
5 (0.7)
|
1840
|
Brown
|
8 (1.1)
|
1840
|
Purple
|
11 (1.6)
|
1845
|
Green
|
19 (2.7)
|
1840
|
Red
|
66 (9.4)
|
1840
|
Mid-blue
|
16 (2.3)
|
1829
|
Polychrome
|
6 (0.9)
|
1850
|
Flow Blue
|
21 (3.0)
|
1850
|
Plain, embossed
|
3 (0.4)
|
1860
|
Decalcomania
|
3 (0.4)
|
1930
|
Luster
|
2 (0.3)
|
1870
|
Indeterminant
|
177 (25.3)
|
1860
|
TOTAL |
701 (100.0)
|
|
B. Stoneware
Stoneware is a ceramic fired at higher temperatures than earthenware. It is
associated with relatively thick, heavy vessel forms like jugs and crocks. The
variations in surface treatment recognized in this study include the following
types: unglazed, salt glaze, Albany slip, Bristol, and American blue and gray.
The distribution of stonewares from the Nine Gal Site is displayed in Table 6.
Salt glazed forms and Albany slip were most commonly recovered. Stoneware
types were produced over long periods of time and are relatively insensitive
horizon markers for the archeologist.
Table 6. Stoneware Recovered From The Nine Gal Tavern Site.
|
Type
|
Frequency
|
Percent
|
Unglazed
|
8
|
7.7
|
Salt glazed exterior Unglazed interior
|
8
|
7.7
|
Albany slip interior
|
13
|
12.5
|
Albany slip, both sides
|
35
|
33.7
|
Bristol
|
1
|
1.0
|
Blue and gray
|
3
|
2.9
|
Indeterminant
|
18
|
17.3
|
TOTAL
|
104
|
100.1
|
C. Porcelain
The porcelain recovery numbered 23 objects, including a leg and a foot element
from a doll. Table 7 delineates the distribution of table wares. The majority
(67%) of this material consisted of undecorated white body sherds. Surface
decorations included hand painted monochromes (14%), hand painted polychromes
(5%), over-glaze luster (10%), and decals (5%). These surface treatments are
not considered temporally sensitive.
D. Clay pipes
Three stem elements and a bowl fragment were identified in the recovery.
Manufacturers could not be identified.
E. Bottle glass
No intact bottles were recovered. Fragments were classified according to the
construction characteristics they displayed. Broadly grouped, the fabrication
characteristics included formation process, finish, glass color and surface
texture, and embossing and labeling.
Table 7. Porcelain Table Wares Recovered From the Nine Gal Tavern Site.
|
Surface Treatment
|
Frequency
|
Percent
|
Plain white
|
14
|
67
|
Hand painted monochrome
|
3
|
14
|
Hand painted polychrome
|
1
|
5
|
Luster
|
2
|
10
|
Decal
|
1
|
5
|
TOTAL |
21
|
101
|
A total of 238 bottle glass fragments were recovered. A frequency distribution
of the identified characteristics are displayed in Table 8. Each sherd was
classified with regard to its most temporally sensitive characteristic. This
approach was facilitated by the fact that 136 objects could be classified by
color alone, 99 more by only one characteristic other than color (always aqua
or clear), and only three by multiple characteristics other than clear or aqua
color. Of these last three, two sherds were from a small bottle embossed with
"..permint" (peppermint), showing a rough pontil scar, and cast in a two piece
mold. The remaining sherd displayed a rough pontil scar and was cast in a two
piece mold.
Portions of nine scroll or violin flasks were identified. These flasks were
popular from the 1830s through the 1850s (McKearin and Wilson 1978:423).
Embossed motifs included both stars and raised rib swirls.
Embossing on vessels other than the aforementioned peppermint bottle and
scroll flasks included the letters E, NE, R, ROC/CHE, ST, and DAVIS.
Mason jars were surprisingly uncommon in the recovery. Elements of only four
vessels were identified. They are frequently encountered on farmsteads
post-dating 1858.
F. Pressed glass
A total of 88 pressed glass objects were identified. Tumblers accounted for
73% (N=64) of the sample. Treatments included
Table 8. Frequency Distribution of Construction Characteristics Identified on Bottle Glass Fragments From the Nine Gal Tavern Site.
|
Characteristic
|
Frequency
|
Production Range*
|
Molds:
|
|
|
Three piece
|
1
|
1810-1880
|
Two piece
|
7
|
1845-1890
|
Turn/Paste
|
1
|
1880-1905
|
Automatic bottling machine
|
7
|
1903-present
|
Rough pontil
|
7
|
1810-1860
|
Snap case
|
12
|
1855-1903
|
3/4 round base
|
1
|
1900-1903
|
Laid on lip ring
|
1
|
to 1845
|
Applied lip ring
|
1
|
1850 - 1870
|
Glass color black or opaque
|
2
|
1815 - 1875
|
Glass color purple
|
3
|
1880 - 1918
|
Glass color clear or aqua**
|
131
|
to present
|
Pre-chilled iron mold
|
2
|
to 1870
|
Slug plate
|
53
|
1850 - 1905
|
Embossing
|
11
|
1867 - 1905
|
TOTAL |
238
|
|
* Adapted from Deiss (1981:92-96) and Newman (1970).
** Color was the only observable characteristic on the fragment.
|
swirled patterns (9%), paneled or fluted patterns (23%), and plain (67%).
Fluted tumblers were both hexagonal and octagonal. The other pressed table
wares (N=24) included elements of sugar bowls, creamers, jars, plates, and
bowls. Design features included ribbing, ray patterns, flower patterns, acid
etching, and a single element of cut glass. The vast majority of this
material was clear; although, blue, lavender, green, and amber were
encountered.
Milk glass was represented by eight buttons (both two and four hole), canning
jar seals (N=5), and such incidentals as an "Old Spice" shaving lotion bottle
fragment, a marble, and a bead.
Other glass objects in the recovery included two lamp chimney sherds, two
light bulb fragments, an opaque green marble, the base to a mercury
thermometer, and the lens from a carriage lamp.
G. Flat glass and melted glass
Flat or window glass included 1335 sherds with a total mass of 2221.5 grams.
The majority had a greenish hue. Eight mirror fragments (8.2 g) were
identified. Twenty eight objects (44.3 g) of melted glass were also recovered.
H. Metal
As might be expected, a large number of metallic objects were recovered
(N=1302). Of these objects 70.4% were nails. Table 9 presents the
distribution of nails by type categories defined by Nelson (1968). The modal
category is of early machine headed cut nails. With a production range of 1818
to 1840, they correspond to the initial construction of the Bryan house. The
measurable presence of modern machine cut and wire nails leaves open the
possibility of later additions or remodeling of the original structure, as well
as other building projects. Other fasteners included horseshoe nails, wood
screws, staples, machine bolts, nuts, concrete anchors, and a pin.
Cutlery included a two-tined fork, a case knife with a pointed blade and a
flat tang, the bowl of an ovid shaped table spoon, and three handle elements
from either spoons or forks, one with a bone grip still attached. Two clasp
knives were recovered. Both knives were four bladed. One displayed bone
grips.
Brass items included eleven .22 caliber rim fire casings (maker's marks "H",
"U-HighSpeed", and "Super X"), two .32 caliber rim fire cartridge casing, the
base of two Winchester 12 gauge shot shells, elements of a pocket watch,
elements of a clock, strap/banding material, and a brass covered button. An
unfired lead musket ball was also identified.
Three coins were recovered: a 1920 Wheat penny, a 1914 Liberty dime, and a
1936 Buffalo nickel.
Domestic items included small elements from cast iron cooking vessels, small
stove elements, short sections of twelve barrel or cask hoops, a wrought iron
pot hook, rim elements of a bucket, elements of tin cans, four jar lids, bottle
caps, a lamp bracket, a collar for a #3 kerosene lamp, cast iron hinges, a
Rockingham door knob, two hand-worked exterior door plates (interesting because
they could be from the Bryan structure), cabinet hardware, a furniture caster,
a pull from a blanket chest, a hollow iron key, a curtain ring, storm window
hardware, and links of chain.
Tool or tool elements recovered consisted of a well worn plastering trowel or
float, a single bit axe head, an alligator wrench, a pair of pliers, an iron
file, a screw driver, part of a pair of scissors, a pivot cap, two end caps for
wooden handled tools, miscellaneous farm machinery parts, and a valve from an
Table 9. Nail Types Recovered From the Nine Gal Tavern Site (after Nelson
[1968]).
|
Nail Type
|
Frequency
|
Percent
|
Production Range
|
Hand wrought
|
6
|
0.7
|
19th century
|
Early machine cut
hand made head
|
4
|
0.4
|
1780-1820
|
Completely machine cut
sprigs and brads
|
7
|
0.8
|
1805 - present
|
Early machine headed
cut nails
|
400
|
43.6
|
1818 - 1840
|
Modern machine cut nails
|
256
|
27.9
|
1840 - present
|
Modern wire nails
|
183
|
20.0
|
1850 - present
|
Unidentified
|
61
|
6.7
|
|
TOTAL
|
917
|
100.1
|
|
internal combustion engine. Harness buckles and clips, as well as a horse shoe
were also identified.
Personal items consisted of a toy cap pistol, a small element from a toy steam
locomotive, belt buckles, clothing clips, a boot eyelet, and seven metal
overall buttons or studs (one with the embossed word "TEST").
Several short lengths of wire were identified. Both iron wire and insulated
copper wire are represented. Part of an electrical box was also recognized.
I. Structural materials
The structural materials category is represented by 234 items. It includes
brick (83.3%), stone (0.4%), mortar (9.4%), plaster (6.0%), and chalking
compound (0.9%).
The bricks were divided into two categories: early and late. The early brick
was hand struck in a five sided mold, bright orange in color, soft (it could be
scratched with a finger nail), lacked temper (although there are occasional
inclusions of varying size), contained irregularly sized voids, and sometimes
displayed glazed surfaces. The late brick was formed in a press mold, red in
color, hard, lacked voids, and displayed tempering material of regular
dimension.
Eighty three percent of the brick recovery was of the early type, 13.3% was of
the late variety, and 3.6% was indeterminant. The early type is associated
with the structure prior to 1860. The frequency with which they were
encountered lends support to the historical interpretations which describe
masonry fireplaces at opposite gables of the Bryan structure. "Clamps" may yet
be located on the site. The late brick became the object of local industry
after 1860. Much of its recovery was related to the foundation and cellar
applications in the existing 1890s house.
Also recovered were two pieces of three-in-one tab asphalt shingles, a glob of
roofing cement, and a fragment of a red clay field tile.
J. Other
Nine plastic objects were identified. They included a plastic flower, a
bottle brush with plastic bristles, and a small pencil sharpener with an iron
blade.
Artifacts rendered from mineral included six pieces of slate from a child's
slate-board, a piece of chalk, a wooden pencil head, a fragment from a modern
grinding wheel, a cream-colored clay marble, and 37 small lumps of coal.
Personal items included three shell buttons (two-hole), a two-hole bone
button, two shoe heels, a piece of shoe leather, a ladies leather dress glove,
a piece of cloth, and a hair brush.
Discussion and Implications
The Nine Gal Tavern locality is a complex series of archeological events
spanning several thousand years of occupation. It is, however, the cultural
phenomenon of the tavern that is of central interest to the present study. The
tavern is here considered an index of community development. The theoretic
interests driving the present study frame a model of frontier community
development common to the study area. As a time transient factor of economic
differentiation, the tavern's expressions serve as horizon markers of
Euro-American social and economic diversification. The form of the tavern
changed over time in response to a changing cultural milieu and the redefined
needs it placed upon the bio-physical matrix. Of importance to this work is
the prospect that the varying tavern forms have archeological identities
observable from their attendant techno-material assemblages. Historical
archeology is important to anthropology because by adding historical evidence
to the archeological record we are better able to bridge the relationships
between material culture and the enveloping cultural system. The tavern
presents an opportunity to observe and measure just such relationships.
Archeological studies of taverns from within the region are quite limited.
From the lower Sangamon valley we find some work at the Lindsey Tavern in New
Salem (Petersburg) and Broadwell's Inn near Pleasant Plains. Current research
from Illinois includes Phillippe's (1987) work at Hutsonville with the Cox
Tavern and Wagner's (1988) work with the "Old Landmark" Tavern in Marion
County. The more recent research is as yet mostly unpublished. Work from
other regions demonstrates that taverns have distinct archeological expressions
relative to other cultural forms. The material assemblage of the tavern can be
differentiated on the basis of such variables as region and an urban-rural
dichotomy (Rockman and Rothschild 1984). If synchronic variation exists then
so also might diachronic variation. As one begins to investigate the tavern
phenomenon one quickly discovers that it varies widely in its form and that a
particular site may display different forms over time. The common appellation
tavern would seem too generic and quite likely subsumes several distinct
types. The purpose of this section of the study is to attempt the isolation of
some of these types on the basis of historic reconstruction and archeological
investigation.
The tavern is a commercial phenomenon signifying particular levels of
structural complexity and economic development in a frontier community. Its
evolving expression as a cultural form can be traced along several dimensions:
population density, transportation, demand, exchange, regulation, community
environment, and material form. The proposed model posits three types or
levels of taverns: Incidental Tavern, Incipient
Tavern, and Full Tavern. The model will be expiated in
the milieu of Middletown Township. Whether these conditions and circumstances
obtain to other communities remains an empirical question unanswered by the
present study.
Pre-Tavern
Initially, small numbers of travelers moving over varied trails simply
bivouacked when the day was done or when they could journey no further. With
population densities less than one-half person per square mile for county sized
regions, residents were so thinly scattered that it was not possible for the
traveler to have nightly contact with habitants. Services, supplies, and
civilization were widely dispersed. The traveler was forced to be
self-sufficient for extended periods of time.
Tavern Type I: Incidental Tavern
The first stage, Incidental Tavern, in the development of
public accommodations occurred when there was an increased number of travelers,
but only private cabin sites on the landscape. Within these private residences
social custom and frontier hospitality served the needs of the traveler. In a
romanticized county history of 1878 (Brink, McDonough and Co. 1878:20) the
author observed:
Gone is that free-hearted hospitality which made of every settler's cabin an
inn where the belated and weary traveler found entertainment without
money and without price.
However, even at this level, the model interprets the offering of public
accommodations as an inherently economic act. Moreover, only some of the
farmsteads would evidence behavioral patterns warranting the reference
"tavern." In Middletown Township this stage was encountered between 1833 and
1836.
1. Population density - Population densities of less than two people per square
mile for township sized regions would have supported this stage. Platted
villages were separated by more than a day's travel time. Walls (1989 personal
communication) considers this to be extremely low and typical of the early
pioneer period. Champaign County was formed in 1833. The Bryans homesteaded
in 1834 and were the third family to do so in Middletown Township.
2. Transportation system - The transportation system consisted primarily of
trails with few wagonable roads. However, it expanded exponentially during
this stage as links to homesteads were carved across the landscape. Primary
arteries like the Ft. Clark Trail were simply unimproved wagon roads. Poorly
maintained, the main line of the trail moved laterally and sinuously during wet
weather in response to the notorious "chug holes."
During this time, links were also created between the emerging village nuclei.
In 1835, the Champaign County Commissioners approved the survey of a road
between the Sangamon ford at Middletown and the Urbana-Decatur road passing
through Centerville. The following year it was built; although, this may be
too strong a term in that much of its course was merely blazed. Improvements
in the primary transportation routes also occurred. "In 1835 the road from the
Sangamon to Urbana, traveled by the early settlers, was of so circuitous a
character, that Mr. Scott, who was compelled to travel it often, concluded to
straighten it; and accordingly took his horses and plow, and drew a furrow from
the Sangamon to Urbana, a distance of twelve miles, and by this direct line a
road was made...."(Lothrop 1870:396).
River crossings were effected at natural fords. In some places improvements
may have been made in the fords. If this reach of the Sangamon River system
itself was ever an important element in the transportation system of
east-central Illinois, it had ceased to be so by this stage. Virtually all
travel was overland.
To a considerable extent the relationship of the homestead to the
transportation network determined the likelihood of visitors.
3. Demand - Economic demand was greatest at those homes located near the
intersection of trails, river fords, or at daily conveyance distances along
lines of travel. At these loci, sojourners had an interest in warm food,
sleeping indoors, sociability, information, supplies, and equipment repair. To
the extent that demand remained low and sporadic, travelers were simply fed and
put up for the night.
4. Exchange - A reciprocal form of exchange generally obtained. It involved
both social and material transfers. The social component could display varied
elements. For instance, conversation and interaction with outsiders was both
intrinsically rewarding and prestige granting. Secondly, the possessor of
information from the world outside had the power to define and interpret that
world to the local community. Thirdly, the distinction as the family with the
building large enough or attractive enough to be chosen by the traveler
provided an external source of social validation for the family's position
within the community. Lastly, the demonstration of food surpluses adequate for
use in economic exchange with the traveler affirmed prestige within the
community.
The transfer of goods could also take unusual forms. For instance, from a
personal history authored by Stephen Conger Abbott (Abbott 1902:5) who
described his journey from Peoria to Middletown in July of 1847, "Always staid
(sic) at farm houses and paid bills with pictures and books." He had earlier
purchased ".. $5.00 worth of novels and charts...." with which to compensate
home owners.
5. Regulation - Attempts at regulation rarely extended beyond the weight of
public opinion. Negative sanctions were informal and typically diffuse.
However, in this stage unsanctioned groups of local citizens, vigilantes or
"regulators", may have tried to control those individual proprietors who
attempted to immorally exploit (theft, assault, and murder) the traveler
(Wagner 1988).
6. Environing community - This level of tavern development demanded a local
population capable of responding to the social transfers and rewards of the
exchange system. We might best think of these communities as
proto-communities, in that they were geographically diffuse. In the present
context the community was locally labeled the "Sangamon Timber Settlement."
The physical extent was from near the contemporary village of Fisher to the
Piatt County line, a linear distance of twenty miles. It signified the region
of early homesteading in western Champaign County. But in its definition, the
geographic boundaries were in some ways less important than cultural
boundaries. The residents evidenced homogeneity in their social attitudes,
economic activity, religious orientation, and political interests (Walls 1989).
Due to a homestead's central location, size, and a willing attitude of the
owner, some sites functioned as meeting places for social, religious, and
political activities. For instance, in 1835 the Bryan home was designated the
polling place for all of western Champaign County (Champaign County
Commissioners' Record Book A). Homesteads meeting these
requirements likely also occasionally functioned as places where the traveler
could find lodging and refreshment. Geography, family wealth, and an
attitudinal component of the personality determined the potential of such a
site's function as an Incidental Tavern - a place for strangers
to eat and spend the night. Such sites many times formed the nucleus around
which villages later formed (Buley 1950:481).
Economic differentiation was minimal. From 1833 to 1836 it was likely that
all habitants of Middletown Township were engaged in agriculture.
7. Material form - The material assemblage would be differentiated from that of
a single family farmstead only in its relative wealth, complexity, and
magnitude. The residential structure would be substantial by local standards.
While early homesites were hewn of logs in this region, by the early 1830s
sawed lumber was available and used with increasing frequency. The ceramic
assemblage would center on expensive wares and might evidence considerable
variation. While glass would be reasonably common, its incidence would be
tempered by technological considerations and availability. One would expect to
find both expensive and innovative forms (for instance, flint glass, cut glass,
or early pressed glass). Liquor glass, both bottles and service, would be
incidental to the assemblage.
Discussion: The Bryan occupation of the Nine Gal Tavern Site displays many of
the characteristics of the Incidental Tavern. The family was the
third such to homestead in the township. They were agriculturalists and never
applied for a license to keep tavern. The large home they built was positioned
near the intersection of the two major trails transecting the township and near
the most important river ford. The homestead was located approximately a days
journey west of the county seat and on the east side of the Sangamon. When the
river was at flood, west bound travelers may have been stopped for more than a
week waiting for the waters to recede. There were no alternative
accommodations for travelers to access.
By local standards the Bryans were wealthy. The artifactual materials
recovered from Features #1, #2, and #3 attest to this. Particularly
conspicuous were both the variety and value of the ceramics. Fifteen different
types of surface decoration were identified. Following McCorvie (1987:272-274)
and others, an average ceramic value was calculated (Table 10). For these
three features it was 1.99. McCorvie (1987:273) considers values above 1.5
indicative of wealthy families. The glass recovery also suggests relative
wealth. The vast majority was pressed glass. Unfortunately much of it is in
the form of pressed tumblers, which would seem to confuse the issue of liquor
service. A last observation regarding glass is that from these features were
identified two objects unique to the entire recovery: a sherd of light blue
milk glass frosted with fluoride and a specimen of cut glass.
That the Bryan's "kept tavern" at all was not directly discernable from the
archeological record. Support for this contention comes from the assertion in
the earliest county history (Brink, McDonough and Co. 1878:125) that "...John
Bryant (sic) (kept) the first tavern...." The demand for their services would
have been greatest between 1833 and 1836. As the social and economic
infrastructure of the community continued to develop, demand may have lessened
and become increasingly episodic and situational (i.e. in response to a flooded
Sangamon River), but in the early years of the township they were apparently
willing to put up travelers for the night.
Tavern Type II: Incipient Tavern
The second stage, Incipient Tavern, occurred when increased
numbers of travelers created the prospect of commercial activity. Morgan
(1969:18) cites the case in Big Grove (Champaign-Urbana) when a host recalled
that his cabin, eighteen feet square, furnished cozy accommodations for
forty-nine guests one night. He admonished the reader to recall that "It must
be remembered that people were smaller in those days...."(Morgan 1969:18). The
proprietor of an Incipient Tavern "kept tavern" as a secondary
economic activity. For farmers and retailers it could have been an additional
source of cash. The women of the household would likely play a critical role
in its management. In fact, a wife's employment in this fashion may have
provided the major source of hard cash for the family. In Middletown Township
this stage was encountered between 1836 and 1849.
Table 10. Mean Ceramic Value of Features #1, #2, and #3.
|
Type
|
Frequency
|
1855 Value
|
(f) x (Value)
|
Undecorated
|
26
|
1.00
|
26.00
|
Minimal
|
14
|
1.16
|
16.24
|
Hand painted
|
14
|
1.3
|
18.20
|
Transfer printed
|
93
|
2.5
|
232.50
|
TOTAL
|
147
|
|
292.94
|
Mean Ceramic Value =292.94/147=1.9927 |
1. Population density - Population densities for township sized areas would
have been in the range of 2 to 5 people per square mile. The population
density of Middletown Township in 1840 is estimated at 2.5 to 3 persons per
square mile (Walls 1989:4).
2. Transportation - The transportation system continued to expand with wagon
trails forging links to the increased number of homesteads. County and state
government increased their response to the need for road improvements. In
1836, the Champaign County Commissioners authorized Isaac Busey and Jonathan
Osborn to initiate a state road from Urbana to Bloomington. It followed the
furrow plowed by Fielding Scott to the Sangamon ford the previous year (Purnell
1955:40). A differentiated political structure known in Champaign County as
the Township Road Commissioner was created. Road taxes were legislated. The
tax could be paid with labor rather than money. The Road Commissioner kept
track of the number of hours of labor expended by each citizen.
River crossings included not only the improved fords, but also ferries. In
1836 the Champaign County Commissioners (Record Book A)
began regulating ferries through licensing and fee prescriptions. Licensed
ferry service at Middletown was initiated in 1836 (Champaign County
Commissioners' Record Book A).
Public transportation saw its first clear expression in the form of the stage
line. It was likely to have been extended through Middletown by 1846.
All of these changes in the transportation system impacted the flow and
localization of travelers.
3. Demand - Although demand for public accommodations increased during this
stage, it was still not adequate for the initiation of a fully differentiated
business activity. While more customers were on the road, the demand remained
intermittent in response to such events as flooded rivers and roads or seasonal
as in the market created by migratory farm labor. In a developmental context,
when the homesteader felt the need to begin charging for services because of
increased demand, signage might have occurred with the informal and generic
"keep public" (Buley 1950:481).
During this stage, when a competitive environment existed for a finite level
of demand, attempts at market definition through the artifice of business names
first emerged. While most of the Middletown Township taverns were known by the
name of the proprietor, Sarah Rea chose to name hers "The American House."
This strategy became more common during the Full Tavern stage.
4. Exchange - With increased demand, the drain on economic resources was too
great for social transfers to provide sufficient reward for the local resident.
Exchange became increasingly cash oriented. Signage functioned as a social
device legitimating the charging of fees and the utilization of cash as the
medium of exchange (Buley 1950:481). Larger local populations and increasing
economic differentiation, as well as the need for income producing employment
recast the circumstance of the traveler as a commercial opportunity. Exchange
at this level followed the market principle; charges were such as the market
would bear.
5. Regulation - County level government became involved in the regulation of
services and pricing with a likely eye toward potential tax revenues and
community image. By 1836 Champaign County had begun licensing taverns and
regulating charges (Champaign County Commissioners' Record Book
A). The licensing fee was $2.00 per year. The entry regarding the fee
structure reads:
For keeping a man and a horse one night, including supper, bed and horse
feed..$0.75
For a single meal.................$0.18 3/4
For single horse feed..............0.12 1/2
For one-half pint whiskey......... 0.06 1/4
For one-half pint French Brandy....0.18 3/4
For one-half pint Wine.............0.18 3/4
For one- half pint Gin..............0.12 1/2
For one-half pint Rum..............0.18 3/4
For one half pint Domestic brandy..0.18 3/4
|
Because transient populations presented a special moral problem for the
community, moral entrepreneurs were interested in the affairs of the tavern.
For instance, the possibility that the appellation "Nine Gal" derived from the
availability of commercial sex (the proprietor reportedly had nine red-headed
daughters) suggests the potential interest of the religious community in such
establishments.
6. Environing community - The community which supported this stage placed
increased emphasis on geo-political boundary definitions. Communities were
platted and legal identities established. In Middletown Township commercial
differentiation included such enterprises as ferries (1836), saw and grist
mills (1837), blacksmiths, and retailing (1836) (Brink, McDonough and Co.
1878:125). In 1836 the village of Middletown was platted and the developer,
Daniel Porter, opened a general store and tavern (both were licensed by the
county [County Commissioners' Record Book A]). He also
served as postmaster. Developers like Porter used these civil and commercial
nuclei as magnets for residential populations, village growth, and long range
profit from land sales.
7. Material form - The architectural expression that would characterize the
Full Tavern surfaced at this stage. A large, two story frame
structure was the style most frequently encountered in the study area. These
buildings were rarely fabricated with the tavern function in mind;
consequently, existing structures that displayed the appropriate design
elements were exploited. Critical considerations included buildings that
offered reasonably large public areas for food service and conviviality and
multiple segregated areas for sleeping. The ceramic assemblage associated with
the Incipient Tavern would be dominated by less expensive wares.
There might also be an increase in the number of sets of dishes and durability
would be an important consideration. Inexpensive glass, again conditioned by
technological considerations and availability, would be more common than in the
first stage. Liquor glass, both bottles for storage and sale and tumblers for
service, would be common.
Discussion: The history of the Nine Gal Site provides no evidence of the
Incipient Tavern stage. However, the form is seen in three other
tavern sites known to the community: Porter's tavern (1836) in the platted
village, the Mathew Johnson Tavern (by 1847), and the Rea Tavern or American
House (1848). All three were ancillary economic activities for the
proprietors: Porter was a developer and merchant undoubtedly using the tavern
as a device for encouraging settlement and secondary to retailing, Johnson was
a farmer whose residence was situated so as to make retailing and tavern
keeping an opportunistic form of income, and Sarah Rea kept the American House
Tavern in the family residence of the farmstead. What these particular sites
would look like archeologically remains an unanswered empirical question.
Tavern Type III: Full Tavern
In the Full Tavern stage, the entrepreneur and his/her family
occupied a relatively large structure and provided services on a cash basis.
The tavern served as the primary occupational activity of the proprietor. In
Middletown Township this stage was encountered between 1850 and 1859.
1. Population density - Population densities for a township sized region would
be in the range of 5 to 8 people per square mile. Mahomet Township
demonstrated a per square mile density of 6.9 persons in the 1850 census (Walls
1989:4). The presence of small villages was noticeable. Some of these were
platted, others were not. These villages had residential populations of one to
five families and were separated by less than a days travel time.
2. Transportation - The network connecting homesteads to villages and villages
to villages underwent further expansion. The interest in the quality and
maintenance of highway system continued unabated.
River crossings continued to include fords but the ferry was replaced with the
bridge. The plans for the first bridge over the Sangamon at Middletown were
launched in 1843 by the Champaign County Commissioners (Record
Book A). However, the bridge was not completed until 1850
(Brink, McDonough and Co. 1878:125).
Public transportation still centered upon the stage coach line. In fact, the
appearance of the railroad significantly reduced the road traffic upon which
taverns were dependent. This reduction in demand created a competitive
environment which few establishments were able to survive.
3. Demand - Public transportation in the form of the stage coach was
significant to the emergence of this expression. As indicated previously, the
stage stop guaranteed a regular and stable market of travelers seeking
services. What changed relative to the Incipient Tavern was the
volume of stage traffic and number of travelers. In Middletown Township it was
this increased volume that enabled the Full Tavern. The
increased size and economic complexity of the local community, as well as a
sustained flow of travelers, facilitated the creation of multiple taverns.
When this expansion of the industry occurred, some establishments worked with
specialized markets like wagoner freight haulers, local workers, new arrivals,
and stage coach travelers. Others concentrated their business on the local
residents who were increasingly using the taverns as places of refreshment and
libation. Taverns could now be stratified in terms of the quality and
character of the service rendered (i.e., Abraham Lincoln is claimed by local
historians to have stayed at the Ohio Tavern).
The targeting of markets is further evidenced by the use of names like "Ohio
Tavern" and Dr. Adams' "Hotel". The Davidsons clearly attempted to market to
the large local population of immigrants from Ohio and Dr. Adams was apparently
interested in boarders and a more "citified" image (the "hotel" was situated in
what had been Daniel Porter's tavern). Stephen Abbott (1902:9) indicated in
his autobiography that in 1853 he moved "...to a hotel to board in Middletown
kept by one Dr. Adams."
The idea of business image took on a new significance during this stage as
proprietors attempted to separate their commercial enterprise from the family
home. Of the four establishments known to have been operating in the Township
during this period only the Mathew Johnson Tavern (still operating at the
Incipient Tavern level) continued to employ the family home
concept. The Ohio Tavern, Nine Gal Tavern, and Hotel were by their names
alone, fully commercial and professional enterprises.
4. Exchange - Cash was the medium of exchange for this stage, and its
production was the fundamental motive for the entrepreneurial activity.
Proprietors of a Full Tavern relied upon the business as their
primary source of income.
5. Regulation - Unfortunately, the Champaign County Commissioner's record book
for this period has been irretrievably lost to water damage. Consequently, it
is much more difficult to determine who was issued a license, if changes in fee
structures were occurring, and how rigorously the requirements were being
enforced. A likely scenario is that licenses were still required, but fee
prescriptions for services other than lodging were largely abandoned, or, in
the case of beverage alcohol, replaced by other forms of governmental
regulation.
6. Environing community - The community which supported this tavern stage
evidenced a significant increase in commercial diversification. The 1850
census listed 49 farmers and 92 farm laborers, a millwright, a grocer, two inn
keepers, a physician, two merchants, four blacksmiths, three carpenters, and a
laborer (Walls 1989:32). With the increased economic differentiation, an
improved transportation system, an established system of public transportation,
institutionalized religious groups (by 1858 there were three churches [Purnell
1955:42-45]), public school districts, and a greatly expanded residential
population increasingly interested in leisure time consumptive practices, the
frontier community was drawing to a close (Walls 1989). As indicated by the
1860 census, the range of occupational endeavors had increased from 10 to 28.
The period from 1850 to 1860 witnessed exponential growth in the occupational
infrastructure of the township.
7. Material form - The material assemblage of the Full Tavern
would focus on a diversity of inexpensive, durable table wares (for instance,
plain whiteware, ironstone, or hotel china), an increase in liquor glass, and
an increase in pressed glass tumblers. Phillippe (1987) reports fluted,
pressed glass tumblers as the most common glass category in the recovery from
the Cox Tavern. One might also expect an increase in the frequency of chamber
pots. The architectural style that emerged with the Incipient
Tavern would continue. In Middletown Township, Full
Taverns were located in buildings that had already functioned as
taverns. A large, two story building with adequate area on the first floor for
food preparation, serving areas, perhaps a bar, and small, private sleeping
quarters on the second were typical. There were three Full
Taverns operating within the Township during this period: the Ohio
Tavern, the Nine Gal Tavern, and Dr. Adams' Hotel.
Discussion: The Nine Gal Site provides evidence of the Full
Tavern stage. Both the Ohio Tavern and the Nine Gal Tavern fall into
this category. From the exploration of the site, two discrete deposits were
identified relating to these two occupations: Feature #4 to the Ohio Tavern and
Feature #5 to the Nine Gal Tavern. Both features were dominated by plain
whiteware. Table 11 contains the data bearing on the calculation of the mean
ceramic value of Feature #4 and Table 12 of Feature #5. Note that there are
significant differences in both the variety of ceramics (10 types for the Ohio
to three types for the Nine Gal) and in their mean value (1.39 for the Ohio to
1.00 for the Nine Gal). A possible interpretation of these differences is that
the Ohio Tavern, the one that Abraham Lincoln stayed at, was specializing in
the higher status segment of the market. Bottle glass constitutes a much
larger fraction of the total assemblage than was the case for the Bryan's
Incidental Tavern. Additionally, there is also significant
Table 11. Mean Ceramic Value of Feature #4.
|
Type
|
Frequency
|
1855 Value
|
(f) x (Value)
|
Undecorated
|
26
|
1.00
|
26.00
|
Minimal
|
3
|
1.16
|
3.48
|
Hand painted
|
2
|
1.3
|
2.60
|
Transfer printed
|
10
|
2.5
|
25.00
|
TOTAL
|
41
|
|
57.08
|
Mean Ceramic Value = 57.08/41=1.3921
|
Table 12. Mean Ceramic Value of Feature #5.
|
Type
|
Frequency
|
1855 Value
|
(f) x (Value)
|
Undecorated
|
95
|
1.00
|
95.00
|
Minimal
|
1
|
1.16
|
1.16
|
Hand painted
|
0
|
1.3
|
0.00
|
Transfer printed
|
0
|
2.5
|
0.00
|
TOTAL
|
96
|
|
96.16
|
Mean Ceramic Value = 96.16/96=1.0016 |
variation between the Ohio Tavern component and the Nine Gal Tavern component
with regard to the ratio of dishes to bottle glass. For the Ohio Tavern the
ratio is 4.5:1 and for the Nine Gal Tavern the ratio is 2.3:1. Moreover,
virtually all (94%) of the bottle glass from the Nine Gal Tavern feature was in
the form of liquor bottles. The dispensing of liquor may have been a more
important activity at the Nine Gal Tavern. Curiously, no pressed glass
tumblers were identified from the Nine Gal feature and only five sherds were
identified from the Ohio Tavern feature. Chamber pots were not recovered from
either feature. In conclusion, and fully sensitive to the limits imposed by
the size of the samples, the data suggests that the Ohio Tavern and the Nine
Gal Tavern were directed at specialized segments of the local market.
Post-Tavern
The end of the tavern form came quickly in Middletown. The occupational
categories of the 1860 census include no entry of inn keeper for the Township.
In the post-tavern phase, the appellation "tavern" would have fallen into
disuse for describing places of public accommodation. In contemporary usage it
was now informally applied to rural eating and drinking establishments.
However, with sustained community growth, enhanced transportation systems, and
increased demand, the modern economic forms of the tourist camp/court, boarding
house, motel, and hotel became possible.
Conclusion
Historic research on Middletown Township during the period of 1833 to 1860 has
suggested the possibility of three different types of taverns:
Incidental, Incipient, and Full. Archeological
investigation of the Nine Gal Site has provided preliminary support for the
first and last of these types. John Bryan certainly was in a position, both
geographically and socially, to have operated an Incidental
Tavern between 1833 and 1836. The historical evidence indicates that he
did so. Later, between 1853 and 1859, the structure he built was employed by
at least two Full Taverns, the Ohio Tavern and the Nine Gal
Tavern. These last two businesses can be differentiated on the basis of the
services they provided.
The primary limitations of the model and the research are twofold. First, the
expression of the tavern industry is a complex event. In simplest form, a
single site may display the linear, stage specific, evolutionary changes framed
by the model. As a cultural form, the site's varying functional expressions
will proceed or falter in response to local circumstances. Consequently, the
entire trajectory may or may not be present at the site level. For instance,
in the present study the Incipient Tavern stage was not
identified and probably never occurred at this site. Larger geographic and
cultural units must be explored in order to observe all three stages. The
geo-political unit displaying the greatest potential for this is the township.
The other critical limitation of the model focuses on the archeological
expression of the different stages. Because no comparative data exists, it is
not clear that the Incidental Tavern can be distinguished from
other area homesteads that display similar wealth. Furthermore, having not
effectively examined an Incipient Tavern, it is possible that
Incipient Taverns may not be archeologically discernable from
Full Taverns. What is known on the basis of the current data
set is that Incidental Taverns are different from Full
Taverns and that Full Taverns have the potential of being
differentiated on the basis of market specialization. These problems certainly
suggest a direction for future research.
The model, at best, presents an exploratory framework within which the tavern
phenomenon can be observed. At minimum it may have useful descriptive
qualities. Its validity is, of course, an empirical question.
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Last updated: 05/04/2020 17:20:06
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